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Pediatrics, Vol. 84, No. 3, September 1989, 531-535.
Victimization of Mothers of Abused Children:
A Controlled Study
Linda McKibben, MD, MPH, Edward De Vos, EdD,
and Eli H. Newberger, MD
From the Department of Pediatrics, Boston City
Hospital and Boston University School of Medicine,
the Department of Pediatric Medicine, The Children's
Hospital, and the Department of Pediatrics, Harvard
Medical School, Boston, Massachusetts

ABSTRACT. To search for indicators of violence
against mothers of child abuse victims by husbands
or boyfriends, the women's medical records were
reviewed and compared to records of mothers of
a nontraumatized child comparison group. Of the
32 children ascertained in a 6 month interval,
the records of mothers of 19 (59.4 %) were diagnostic
or highly suggestive of current or previous victimization.
Although the prevalence of documented violence
against the mothers of children in the comparison
group was an unexpectedly high 16%, the case-control
difference was highly significant (P < .001).
Although differences were found in the (younger)
ages and (higher) parity of mothers of abused children,
these differences did not predict risk of mothers'
exposures to violence in a multivariate analysis.
The rate of violence against single mothers of
child abuse victims, however, was four times the
rate against mothers who were married (P =
.022). These findings suggest a need to broaden
the diagnostic conceptualization of child abuse
to include maternal victimization and argue for
including data concerning maternal risk in formulating
diagnoses and disposition plans for abused children. Pediatrics 1989;84:531-535; child
abuse, maternal victimization, battered women.

With the publication 27 years ago by Kempe and
colleagues1 of the influential paper, "The
Battered Child Syndrome," a diagnostic concept
was coined that stipulated a causal connection
between the aggressive actions of a perpetrator
(a parent or foster parent) and the symptoms of
a child victim. In the intervening years, the notion
has been formalized in laws obliging physicians
and others to report child abuse, and the concept
has been expanded in clinical studies and legal
definitions of child abuse.2
An important conceptual advance was made in 1980
with the publication of the Straus et al3 national
survey of family violence, in which parent to child
violence was perceived as one among many modes
of physical aggression within families. Violence
between parents was estimated to be as frequent
as, or more frequent than, violence toward children.
Violence between parents and toward children were
estimated from interviews to be related. Women
who were victims of severe violence, for example,
were 150% more likely to use severe violence in
resolving conflicts with their children than women
who were not.
A recent review of data from studies concerning
the posited intergenerational transmission of violence
suggests that minimally 30% of children will express
toward their own offspring physical or sexual abuse
or extreme neglect similar to that which they had
suffered.4
Although a literature is developing regarding
the psychologic impact of violence between adults
on children, there are few reports of physical
victimization of both children and mothers.5-11 With
a view to exploring the extent of overlap of maternal
and child abuse, a retrospective case-control study
was designed.
METHODS
Case Selection
Cases were selected through a multitiered review
of all child abuse reports filed at Boston City
Hospital during the 6-month period, January I,
1986, through July 6, 1986. Given the purpose of
this study, only those reports filed by emergency
room staff were retained for further review; there
were 95 such filings (59% of the total). These
reports were evaluated by the following inclusion
criteria: (1) physical examination findings positive
for signs of physical abuse except where sexual
abuse was the chief complaint; (2) presence of
biologic mother at the time of the child protective
report, and (3) injuries that were not self-inflicted.
Reasons for exclusion included injury known to
be inflicted by a day-care worker or a case that
was deemed "unsubstantiated" after investigation
by the Massachusetts Department of Social Services.
On the basis of these inclusion and exclusion
criteria, 63 case reports were retained for further
review. The mothers' charts were then obtained
through the following process. First, the mother's
name and address, as listed on the child abuse
report, were compared with those of the insurance
guarantor (usually the mother) on the child's computerized
demographic record. The mother's social security
number was often available from this source. Subsequently,
the mother's name was entered into the hospital's
computerized data base. These records were reviewed
and the mother's identity was verified through
a comparison of social security number, address,
and consistency of information in the medical chart
itself (eg, birth records of the child). Following
a definite match, the medical record number was
retrieved and the medical chart requested. Sixteen
mothers had no medical record numbers at Boston
City Hospital and presumably had not received medical
care there. Forty-seven charts were requested;
5 of these were not available after two requests
from the medical records department. The remaining
42 charts were reviewed. Ten of these medical records
were excluded because of insufficient information.
Control Selection
Control mothers were also selected based on initial
review of children's records. The emergency room
daily logs were scanned for records of children
with nontraumatic complaints who had sought medical
attention within the same month as the index case.
In addition to time of emergency room visit, the
children were also matched for age, sex, race,
and socioeconomic status (dependency on Medicaid
was used as a proxy for low socioeconomic status).
The same process used to locate a case mother's
chart was used to retrieve the control mother's
medical chart.
Chart Review
Thirty-two case and 32 control mothers' charts
were evaluated and assigned to one of four categories
of maternal victimization: (1) diagnostic, (2)
suggestive, (3) notable for relationship problems
and psychosomatic complaints, and (4) nonsuggestive.
These categories were operationalized using the
following criteria: diagnostic - a chart with explicit
data both confirming intentional physical trauma
and identifying the perpetrator as an intimate
man; (2) suggestive - a chart with documented intentional
physical abuse but with no specification of the
perpetrator's identity, either as man or woman,
acquaintance or stranger (3) relationship problem
- a chart without specific indication of physical
abuse but rather of significant marital/relationship
problems with such associated psychosomatic complaints
as hyperventilation syndrome, depression, and tension
headaches; and (4) non-suggestive - a chart with
no evidence of physical abuse and/or relationship
problems. (It should be recalled that charts with
insufficient information for evaluation were excluded
before this review.) The following additional information
was extracted from the medical record: mother's
date of birth, race, employment status, type of
health insurance coverage, and number of other
children.
The data were gathered from the medical records
by one of us, who was unaware of the hypothesis
and the classification status of case and control
mothers. Because the first eligible control mother
was used, however, there was little opportunity
for bias in the selection of the comparison group.
The possible intrusion of bias in the coding of
data from the records was addressed in meetings
among the coauthors as the study proceeded.
The study design was reviewed and approved by
the chief of the Boston City Hospital's Child Protection
Program, the chairman of the Department of Pediatrics,
and the Institutional Review Board before the initiation
of the research.
Statistical Methods
Data analysis was done with statistical methods
appropriate both to the level of measurement of
the variables and to the sampling design of the
study. The appropriate unit of analysis for the
central questions in this retrospective study was
the matched pairs that constituted the sample rather
than individual subjects. Thus, for example, the
major question regarding differences in the presence
or absence of violence against mothers of case
children and control children was addressed using
McNemar's test with a continuity correction.12 Where
the variable being considered was at least interval
level, as in the comparison between cases, and
controls regarding maternal age, a paired t test
was used.
RESULTS
The child's record served as the basis for selection
of control children's records. They were matched
for sex, age, race, socioeconomic status, and time
of emergency room visit. The matching variables
are compared in Table 1.
All control children were seen in the pediatric
emergency room within 1 month of their target case
child's visit. The criteria for matching were adequately
met. Characteristics of case mothers and control
mothers are compared in Table 2.
Although case mothers were somewhat younger than
control mothers, the difference was not statistically
significant (paired t = -1.83, P =
.08). Similarly, although case mothers were twice
as likely to be employed than control mothers,
the difference again was not significant (McNemar's
test, x2 = 3.125). Case and control mothers
did differ significantly, however, on marital status
and parity. Fewer than one of five case mothers
were married (19.4%) in comparison to nearly half
of the control mothers (45.2%) (McNemar's test, x2
= 4.083, P < .05). Similarly, case
mothers had more children (1.28 vs 0.56 children);
the difference was significant (paired t =
2.70, P = .011).
| TABLE 1. Case
and Control Children Variables That Served
as the Basis for Matching |
|
|
|
Sex (No. [%])
Male
Female |
|
|
Age
Mean
Range |
|
|
Race/ethnicity (No. [%])
Black
Hispanic
White |
23 (71.9)
7 (21.9)
2 (6.3)
|
|
Health coverage (No. [%])
Medicaid
Blue Cross/Blue Shield
Private Health maintenance
organization |
25 (78.1)
2 (6.3)
3 (9.4)
2 (6.3)
|
25 (80.6)
4 (12.9)
1 (3.2)
1 (3.2)
|
TABLE
2. Case and Control Mother
Variables
|
|
|
|
Employment status
(No.[%])
Unemployed
Employed |
|
|
Age (y)
Mean
Range |
|
|
Marital status (No.
[%])
Married
Single |
|
|
Other children (No.)
Mean
Range |
|
|
The central focus of this study was the relationship
between child abuse and violence against mothers
in mother-child pairs where a protective report
was filed on behalf of the child at an emergency
room visit. The cross-tabulation of maternal victimization
categories for case and control pairs is given
in Table 3. The marginal totals indicate that case
pairs were far more likely to be classified in
the suggestive and diagnostic categories (37.5%
and 21.8%, respectively) than were the control
pairs (9.4% and 3.1%, respectively).
TABLE 3. Cross-Tabulation
of Victimization Categories for Case and Control
Mothers (Full Categorization) |
Case Category |
Control
Category
|
|
|
|
|
|
|
Nonsuggestive |
|
|
|
|
|
Relationship
problems |
|
|
|
|
|
Suggestive |
|
|
|
|
|
Diagnostic |
|
|
|
|
|
This scale of violence against mothers, however,
is not really ordinal. The amount of violence within
the suggestive category may have been greater than
within the diagnostic category; the difference
was that a perpetrator was identified in the latter
and not in the former. Thus, there were alternative
methods for collapsing the table, depending upon
emphasis.
A cross-tabulation of dichotomized maternal victimization
categories that identify the mother as victim,
disregarding the identity of the perpetrator and
his relationship to the mother, is presented in
Table 4. Thus, the diagnostic and suggestive categories
were pooled, and relationship problems and nonsuggestive
categories were pooled.
TABLE 4. Cross-Tabulation
of Victimization Categories for
Case and Control
Mothers (Mother as Victim Dichotomy) |
Case Category |
|
|
|
|
|
Victim
Nonvictim |
|
|
|
*The percentages
for victims and nonvictims in the control category
are 12.5 and 87.5, respectively. |
The case pairs were far more likely to be victims
of violence than were the control pairs (59.4%
vs 12.5%, respectively). One of eight control mothers
were victims of violence, an impressive prevalence,
and nearly three of five case mothers were victimized.
The difference was highly significant (McNemar's
test, x2 = 11.53, P < .001).
The difference between case and control pairs with
respect to the victim of violence dichotomy as
shown in Table 4 was striking. The result requires
no elaboration with respect to the child-focused
variables that served as the basis for case and
control selection. Nevertheless, given the differences
between case and control pairs on mother-level
variables (viz, number of other children, maternal
age, and marital status), this difference needs
to be examined in more detail.
A significant difference was noted earlier between
case mothers and control mothers with respect to
the number of other children. A one-way analysis
of variance was performed on the case data to evaluate
the relationship between this variable and maternal
victimization. The analysis revealed no overall
significance when using the full four-category
victimization scale. However, case mothers categorized
as suggestive and diagnostic victims of violence
had more children than did mothers in the other
two categories. The dichotomized violence scheme
was employed and a t test was used to
compare victims of violence (mean 1.47 children)
with nonvictims (mean = 1.00 children); the difference
was not significant (t = 1.158).
A significant difference was also noted earlier
in the ages of case and control mothers. An analysis
was conducted of case data to determine whether
within that group any relationship existed between
maternal victimization and maternal age. Again,
the overall differences using all four violence
categories were not statistically significant.
However, victimized case mothers appeared somewhat
older than nonvictimized mothers. A t test
on the dichotomized grouping indicated that victimized
case mothers (mean age 30.84 years) were significantly
older than non victimized case mothers (mean age
25.85 years) (t = 2.213, P =
.034). For control mothers, no differences in age
were found.
Marital status, as well, demonstrated a significant
relationship to case-control status. The case data
were analyzed to test whether or not a relationship
existed between victimization and marital status.
The results appear in Table 5. Whereas 16.7% of
married case mothers were victims of violence,
68.0% of single case mothers were victims, more
than four times the rate (x2 =
5.236, P = .022).
TABLE 5. Victimization
and Marital Status of
Mothers of Abused Children |
Child |
|
|
|
Victim (No. [%])
Nonvictim (No. [%]) |
|
|
A similar analysis was conducted for control mothers.
Although the number of control mothers who were
victims of violence was small, the results were
consistent with the case data. Fewer than one in
four single control mothers was a victim a violence,
although all four victims were single; none of
the married control mothers were victims (Fisher's
exact test [one-tail], P = .076).
Given the original focus of this study and the
relationship between marital status and victimization,
an analysis was performed limited to case control
pairs of the same marital status. In this subsample,
case pairs were again far more likely to be victims
of violence than were control pairs (66.7% vs 22.2%,
respectively). Six of nine mothers of case children
were victimized, in comparison to two of nine mothers
of control children. The difference was again significant
(McNemar's test, x2 4.90, P < .05).
DISCUSSION
The 59.4% concurrence of maternal victimization
and child abuse in this study is impressive and
worrisome. The findings exceed previous estimates
in the literature.
Stark et al10 reviewed the medical records of
mothers of children referred to a child protective
team at Yale-New Haven Hospital during 1 year without
restriction to emergency room visits. Their "positive" and "probable" groups
were defined similarly to our categories of diagnostic
and suggestive, respectively. In their study, these
two groups accounted for 41% of the cases of victimization.
Their positive group, in a manner similar to our
own diagnostic group, accounted for approximately
25% of the cases; in our own, the result was 23%.
However, our suggestive group was more than double
their probable group (40% vs 16%, respectively).
Our finding of three times the amount of violent
marital conflict may signify greater risk for the
Boston mothers, assuming that health care providers
in both locations are similarly documenting these
issues. This comparison suggests that traumatized
children visiting inner-city emergency rooms are
at high risk for exposure to violence against their
mothers.
Pascoe et al11 reviewed records of
children who were referred to a child-protection
team in North Carolina during a 2-year period,
where a majority of families were rural. Their
results revealed a higher prevalence of wife abuse
in women with multiple pregnancies and in alcoholic
families. Overall, they found a 40% prevalence
of wife abuse when the child's records were supplemented
with information from social workers involved with
the cases. The authors suggested that this rate
was high partly on the basis that the social workers
were attuned to family violence issues. As a corollary,
Flitcraft and Stark's probable and our suggestive
groups may also be composed of women abused by
male partners; but their medical records may not
document the abuse sufficiently. Many health care
providers have insufficient knowledge and understanding
of family violence13 and many victims
seek medical care with nontraumatic complaints.14
The finding of an association between maternal
victimization and single marital status corroborates
the findings of Goldberg and Tomlanovich.14 They
demonstrated an increased risk of spouse abuse
in unmarried women.
More research concerning the convergence of child
abuse and spouse abuse would appear urgently to
be needed. From so few published data, nearly all
composed principally of families in poverty, little
can be confidently generalized. Nor are any of
the reports able sufficiently to probe the kinds
of information about family life that would be
most useful to practitioners: information concerning
the child: medical and developmental history and
present status, handicapping conditions, quality
of relationships to care givers; information concerning
the mother: medical and psychologic history and
present status, family and social history including
victimization, perceptions of people and institutions
who may have tried to help her, history of the
spousal relationship and the priority and meaning
of the abused child; information concerning the
abuser(s): medical and psychologic history and
present status, family and social history including
victimization, history of previous relationships
with women and children, educational and employment
status, use and abuse of psychoactive substances.
To address the problem of child and spouse abuse
in clinical practice, we recommend the wider use
of domestic violence protocols in adult and pediatric
medical care. The systematic collection of data
and engagement of protective interventions should
include both children and their mothers.
Emergency room staff should be equipped with basic
knowledge of the legal rights of domestic violence
victims and their roles as legally mandated reporters
of child abuse and neglect. In addition, they should
be advised to document their professional interactions
fully.
CONCLUSION
The striking overlap in this study between the
victimization of children and their mothers suggests
a need for a serious redefinition of both problems,
focusing on violence in the family. Such a family
level conceptualization may be difficult to bring
about in today's environment of specialized services
and smaller human service budgets. But we believe
that certain steps can be taken. Just as the staff
of pediatric emergency rooms can take the time,
pursue the training, and advocate for increased
access to services to contend with the realities
of mothers' lives, so may the professionals who
hear mothers' complaints, from physicians, nurses,
to battered women's shelter workers, begin systematically
to consider the safety and welfare of their offspring.
ACKNOWLEDGMENTS
This work was supported, in part, by grants from
the National Center on Child Abuse and Neglect
(90-CA1184) and the National Institute of Mental
Health (5 T32 MHI8265).
We thank Robert M. Reece, MD, for helpful support
in the formulation and conduct of the research.
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Received for publication Jul 14, 1988; accepted
Nov 4, 1988.
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